你看见了隐藏在民主体制下的独裁政治，那是维持你表象自由的隐形命令。

You see the dictatorship in democracy. It’s the invisible order which sustains your apparent freedom.

一般人的常识恰恰就是终极幻觉。

This precisely is the ultimate illusion.

意识形态不是简单底强加于我们之上，意识形态是我们与社会自发的关系，我们如何感知意义等等。某种程度上，我们享受我们的意识形态。走出意识形态是痛苦的，你必须逼迫自己去完成。

Ideology is not simply imposed on ourselves. Ideology is our spontaneous relationship to our social world. How we perceive meaning and so on. We in a way enjoy our ideology. To step out of ideology it hurts. You must force yourself to do it.

自由是痛苦的。

Freedom hurts.

享受是快感的扭曲形式，哪怕享受的是痛苦。

Enjoyment is precisely enjoyment in disturbed pleasure even enjoyment in pain.

商品是精确的、充满神学色彩的甚至是形而上学色彩的物品，它的存在总是反应了更高层面的需求。

A commodity is an object full of theological even metaphysical niceties. Its presence always reflects an invisible transcendence.

人类从来都不是简单地渴望某一事物，人们渴望的是欲望本身，渴望能够继续渴望下去。也许欲望的终极恐惧在于我们完全被满足，结果是我们不再追求欲望。终极抑郁的体验就是失去欲望本身。

A desire is never simply the desire for certain thing. It’s always also a desire for desire itself. A desire to continue to desire. Perhaps the ultimate horror of desire is to be fully filled in met so that I desire no longer. The ultimate melancholic experience is the experience of a loss of desire itself.

幻想是构成我们意识形态的核心。在精神分析的层面上，幻想根本就是一种谎言。

Fantasies are the central stuff our ideologies are made of. Fantasy is in psychoanalytical perspective fundamentally a lie.

幻想的通常模式是构建一个场景，在这个场景中，不是得到了渴望之物，而是被他人所需要。

The usual mode of fantasy is to construct a scene, not a scene where I get what I desire, but a scene in which I imagine myself as desired by others.

就像人们经常指出的，法西斯主义在它的初期是一种保守性的变革，它是一场经济变革，为了发展现代工业，但是一场变革总是会多多少少维护或是重建传统的等级制社会。一个现代、高效的社会，但同时受等级价值控制，缺少阶级对立或其他对立。现在法西斯者们有一个麻烦，诸如对抗、阶级斗争之类的危险是资本主义所固有的顽疾。现代化、工业化，从资本主义的历史中可知，那意味着旧有社会关系的崩溃，意味着社会冲突。不稳定性是资本主义运作的方式。那怎样解决呢？很简单，你需要创造一套意识形态的叙述来解释社会如何出了问题，不是由于社会发展中固有的紧张关系，而是由于外来者入侵。在犹太人渗透进来之前一切都还好，令社会主体恢复健康的方法就是消灭犹太人。

As it was often pointed out, fascism is at it’s most elementary, a conservative revolution. Revolution: economic development, modern industry. But a revolution which would none the less maintain or even reassert a traditional hierarchal society. A society which is modern, efficient, but at the same time controlled by hierarchal values with no class or other antagonisms. Now, they have a problem here, the fascists, but antagonism, class struggle and other dangers is something inherent to capitalism. Modernization, industrialization, as we know from the history of capitalism means disintegration of old stable relations. It means social conflicts. Instability is the way capitalism functions. So how to solve this problem? Simple. You need to generate an ideological narrative which explains how things went wrong in a society, not as a result of the inherent tensions in the development of this society, but as the result of a foreign intruder. Things were okay until Jews penetrated our social body. The way to restore the health of our social body is to eliminate the Jews.

在历史的大多数时刻，某些事情看起来是场灾难，却将一个人或是一种思想升高到某种神话中。

In history the event which may appear as a catastrophe saves persons or an idea elevating it into a myth.

几乎在所有关于美国海军陆战队的电影中，这种淫荡都在他们的行进歌曲中得到了体现，那是一种胡言乱语和猥琐下流的混合物。这不是在破坏、取笑军队纪律，这是它内在的组成部分，要是去掉这些淫荡的补充物，军队机器就停止运行了。

In practically all movies about U.S. Marines, the best-known embodiment of this obscenity are marching chants. A mixture of nonsense and obscenity. This is not undermining, making fun of military discipline. It is its inner most constituent. You take this obscene supplement away and military machine stops working.

这个观点是，真相过于强烈，政治家们应当成为犬儒主义者，即使他知道真相也应该对普通群众讲述柏拉图口中的“高贵的杜撰”——谎言。

This idea that the truth is too strong that a politician should be a cynicist, although he knows what is true, tells to ordinary people what Plato called ‘a noble fable’- a lie.

为了维持稳定，我们需要一个“大他者”的形象并为它维持表象。

We need for our stability, a figure of ‘Big Other’ for whom we maintain appearances.